Daily Abstract090420
最近英国《卫报》刊登了蒂摩西·盖特·阿什《媒体是理解的桥梁》一文，面对国内媒体日渐减少的国际新闻，呼吁客观、公正、真实的国际新闻报道，而不是千篇一律的外交辞令，甚至歪曲事实的报道，阿什是著名历史学家，政治学家，作家，牛津大学教授。
原文如下：
We are getting less foreign news at the very moment we need more
A world in crisis demands nations understand each other. At least the BBC is hoisting the banner of Deng Xiaoping thought
处在危机中的世界需要国与国之间的相互了解。客观、真实、全面的媒体报道对此至关重要。在这一点上，应遵循邓小平所推崇的“实事求是”。
Comments (83)
Timothy Garton Ash
The Guardian, Thursday 16 April 2009
One complaint I heard during a recent stay in China is that western media give a distorted picture of what's happening there. I think there's some truth in this, but it's not for the reasons that Chinese Communist party members or nationalist netizens imagine. In fact, this is just one instance of a larger international problem.
Most western newspaper readers and television viewers with a mild interest in China probably do see a lot of stories about Tibet, the upcoming anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen protests, corruption and popular discontent. They see fewer stories about the extent of popular support for the system, bright students still joining the Communist party, or experiments in economic and political reform, especially at the provincial and local level.
However, this slant is not because of "anti-China" policy or prejudice, as Chinese officials charge. Hard though many Chinese may find this to believe, since their own media reflect the policy of their party-state, western governments have almost nothing to do with it. The main cause lies in the economics and professional dynamics of the west's commercial news business, which is going through one of those "gales of creative destruction" that Joseph Schumpeter saw to be characteristic of capitalism.
最近我在中国访问期间常常听到这样的抱怨：西方媒体的报道歪曲中国的实际情况。我想这说得有一定道理。但究其原因，却不是中国共产党的成员或民族主义的网民们所认为的那样。事实上，这只是一个更广泛的国际性问题的特例。
对中国有一定兴趣的报纸读者和电视观众，确实会看到大量关于西藏的报道，关于即将到来的天安门事件20周年的报道，以及关于腐败和民众不满的报道。他们却很少看到中国目前的体系受到的支持是多么广泛，优秀的学生仍旧积极入党，以及经济和政治改革（特别是在省和地方层面）的相关报道。
然而，这种不平衡并不是因为中国政府所认为的那种“反中国”的政策或偏见。这也许很难令大多数中国人民所相信，因为他们自己的媒体反应了他们身处的“党治国家”的政策，但西方政府与这种失衡现象基本上没什么瓜葛。其主要原因来自于西方商业新闻行业的经济机理和职业现状。这一行业正在经历一场所谓的“创造性毁灭的风暴”，这场风暴也被奥地利经济学家约瑟夫•熊彼特认为是描述了资本主义的特性。
As they compete fiercely for readers and viewers, mainstream western media tend to stick with a few stories that are familiar and interesting to them. They report so much about Tibet not because they are ideological China-bashers but because their consumers are fascinated by and care about Tibet. Yes, their news stories on China's domestic politics tend to the sensational and the negative - so do their stories about the domestic politics of their own countries. Those who edit and select these stories are just following the market-oriented rules of their trade. If it bleeds, it leads. Knocking copy is selling copy. Good news is no news. "Many Chinese city dwellers moderately content with rising standard of living" is not a headline that would sell many papers.
The larger problem with regular China coverage in the mainstream western media is not its negativity; it's simply that there's too little of it, given the growing importance of China and the fact that Chinese culture and society is so different from the west's. Western media should not be writing less about the Dalai Lama or the 4 June 1989 anniversary, but they should be writing more about the other stories that make up China's complex unfolding drama.
Alas, the trend is in the opposite direction: towards less foreign news in the newspapers and on the domestic television channels that most people read and watch. The reason for this, too, is mainly economic. Gathering foreign news is expensive. As advertising revenues fall, costly foreign bureaus close. That's bad news for news - but also for international relations.
在对读者和收视率的激烈争夺中，西方主流媒体往往紧盯一些读者和观众感兴趣的报道。他们对西藏的大量报道，并不因为这是在意识形态上对中国的责罚，而是因为他们的客户感兴趣，在乎这一问题。确实，他们关于中国国内政治的新闻报道很多是负面的，具有煽动性的。但他们对本国政治的报道也是如此。那些编辑和选材的人，只是跟随其行业的市场导向而已。如同新闻业常说的几句话：出血才能出彩(If it bleeds, it leads)； 放倒才能卖好(Knocking copy is selling copy)； 好新闻就是没新闻(Good news is no news.)。“众多中国城市居民对生活水平的提高比较满意”在大多数报纸看来，不是能卖钱的头条。
基于中国日渐提升的重要性，以及中国的文化和社会与西方之巨大差异，西方主流媒体对中国报道的最大问题不是过多负面新闻，而是报道得太少了。不是让西方媒体少写些达赖喇嘛或××事件，而是，他们应该多写些构成了中国繁复剧变的其他故事。
然而，现在的趋势却相反：大多数人所关注的报纸和国内电视频道中，国际新闻越来越少。随着广告收入下跌，昂贵的国外记者站被关闭。这是新闻业的坏消息。而这恰恰也是国际关系的坏消息。
In a fine essay in the New Republic, the Princeton scholar Paul Starr argues that news is a public good. Getting the news helps people to hold their government to account. Like clean air and good roads, news is a benefit not just to those who directly pay for it. I extend his argument to foreign policy. In today's interconnected world, it matters more than ever that countries understand each other. Such understanding depends on knowing the social facts and individual human stories that are the meat and drink of foreign corresponding. If we have less of this global public good at a time when we need more of it, the results will not merely be depressing. They could be downright dangerous.
So, as Comrade Lenin taught us to ask, what is to be done? A prize example of the wrong answer is given by China's ambassador to the EU, Song Zhe. In a speech recently excerpted in China Daily, Song says European and Chinese correspondents "should be more aware of their responsibility for promoting China-EU relations". They should "make their news reporting and commentary conducive to consensus, trust and co-operation" and "respect the other's theory of development, policy choice and cultural values". No. That may be the business of ambassadors. It is not the business of journalists - and especially not of reporters. Their job is to report accurately, fairly and vividly what they see, hear, smell and read. To tell it as it is. And thus, to recall a Chinese maxim favoured by Deng Xiaoping, to "seek truth through facts".
The former head of China's State Council Information Office, Zhao Qizheng, writes in a book called One World, which I just read on the flight back from Beijing: "When I talk to foreign journalists, I ask them to be as factually accurate as possible in covering China. For example, there are a lot of cars on the roads in China yet many people ignore the traffic regulations and cross the road wherever and whenever they want to. These are facts, and should be reported. But you can't go and say China doesn't have any cars. That would just be wrong. As long as you report the facts, it's OK."
Having agreed on the Zhao rather than the Song school of journalism, all that remains is to do it. But actually, if you are interested and know where to look, it is already being done. A couple of hours on the web, armed with a few tip-offs, will lead you to an Aladdin's cave of rich, diverse, detailed reporting and analysis of China. (Try chinadigitaltimes.net and danwei.org as a first "open sesame".) Much of this is not fact checked or balanced in the professional way of the New York Times, but it is subject to another kind of scrutiny, with bloggers mercilessly pointing out what they see as errors, distortions and omissions.
在《新共和周刊》（New Republic）的一篇好文中，普林斯顿学者保罗·斯塔尔（Paul Starr）认为新闻是公共财富（public good）。人民获知新闻，可以让政府承担责任。如同清洁的空气和平整的公路一样，新闻让大众受益，而不只是那些直接买单的人。我要把他的看法延伸到对外政策中去。在今天紧密关联的世界中，国与国之间的相互理解前所未有的重要。而这种理解，来自于对其他国家实际的社会状况以及个体生活点滴的报道。这些正是驻外新闻工作者所长。然而，当我们更需要这种全球化的公共财富时，国际新闻却在衰退，这不仅令人沮丧，其后果很可能相当危险。
好，如列宁同志所说，“怎么办”？一个典型的反例，是最近中国驻欧盟大使宋哲的观点。最近《中国日报（China Daily）》引用的宋哲讲话这样说到（译者：中文全文链接）：中国与欧洲记者“应当意识到推动中欧关系的责任”；他们应当“使自己的新闻报道有利于中欧增进共识、增强互信、加强合作”；“尊重对方的发展理念、政策选择和文化价值观”。非也。这也许是外交官的责任，但与新闻工作者，特别是记者无关。新闻工作者的职责就是准确、真实、生动地报道他们看到、听到、嗅到、读到的，忠实与此，仅此而已。或者让我们引用邓小平最喜爱的一句名言－－实事求是。
在从北京回程的飞机上，我读了前国务院新闻办主任赵启正的新书，《同一个世界》。书中这样写道“当我和国外记者谈话时，我要求他们对中国的报道，要尽可能属实。比如，中国街上有很多车，然而还是有很多人无视交通规则乱穿马路。这是事实，应该报道。但你不能说，中国没有汽车。那就不对了。只要你报道事实，就OK。”
我赞同赵启正，而不是宋哲对新闻业的观点。现在剩下的就是如何付诸行动了。实际上，如果你感兴趣，而且知道何处寻觅，这些信息已经在那儿了。在网上花个把小时，加上一些别人提供的线索，就如同发现阿拉丁的宝藏一样，你会找到丰富多彩有关中国的报道和分析。（作为芝麻开门的钥匙，试试chinadigitaltimes.net 和 danwei.org）这些内容大多没有象《纽约时报》那样经过专业的核实与平衡，但他们受到另一种审视－－博客作者们会毫不留情地指出其中的错误、歪曲和遗漏。
Meanwhile, leading western journals such as the Economist, the New Yorker and the Atlantic Monthly carry long, original and thoroughly fact-checked pieces from China. While in Beijing, I saw a fascinating report on BBC World News television about the farmers in a particular village who had given up their rural homes for urban development, having been promised a new school in which their children could be educated for a better life. The promise had not yet been kept. Anti-China bias? Not at all. As it seeks truth through facts, the BBC is holding high the banner of Deng Xiaoping thought.
So where's the catch? In my lament at the top of this column, I was careful to refer to what most western readers and viewers see most of the time. Starr, in his essay, makes a useful distinction between availability and exposure. The material is available. China news junkies can have a great daily trip. What is under threat is the broad, serendipitious daily exposure to news of the world that comes from turning the pages of a newspaper over your morning tea (so long as that newspaper is not the News of the World).
It's no use mewling over bygone glories of a probably mythical golden age of foreign corresponding. The point now is to work out how to exploit the tremendous potential of new media so as to expose more of the people, more of the time, to reliable and interesting foreign news. More than just the future of journalism will depend on it.
而与此同时，顶级西方媒体，如《经济学人》、《纽约客》、《大西洋月刊》也在刊登来自中国的长篇、原创、全面核实过的报道。在北京期间，我看了BBC世界新闻制作的一个非常棒的电视片，有关中国某个小村中的农民，放弃的他们乡村家园，投身城市化发展。这些农民被许诺他们的孩子会在一所新学校上学，受教育，有更好的未来。但这个许诺还没有被实现。是反中国的偏见么？完全不是。在实事求是这一点上，BBC是高举邓小平思想的旗帜的。
那么还有其他问题么？在本文开篇，我已经颇为惋惜地指出了大多数西方读者和观众大部分时间所观看的内容。斯塔尔在他的文章中还特意谈到了“存在”（availability）和“曝光”（exposure）的不同。那些关于中国的内容是存在的，关注中国新闻的老练的读者可以每日馨享。但问题是那些每日在早茶时翻翻报纸（希望不是《世界新闻 News Of the World》 译者：英国的一个八卦小报），偶尔在国际新闻中曝一下光的大众。
为逝去的国际新闻的黄金时代扼腕叹息是毫无益处的。现在要解决的问题是如何充分利用新媒体的巨大潜力，让更多人，更多时间地在可靠、有趣的国际新闻中曝光。这不仅仅关乎于新闻业的未来。
最新一期美国外交专业杂志《外国政策》刊登了将左右未来中国的6位筒子～摘下留作资料～
分为共青团体系出身的民间派领导人李克强、汪洋、李源潮和被称之为“太子党”的精英派领袖人物习近平、王岐山、薄熙来
Photo Essay: China's Next Generation
March/April 2009
A look at the six men who are vying to shape China's future.
The Populists
Protégés and confidants of President Hu Jintao, populists are primarily concerned with addressing social problems and political tensions. They are also well versed in organizational skills and propaganda. The leaders are known as tuanpai, for the Communist Youth League through which most of them rose in the ranks.
LI KEQIANG
Executive Vice Premier and likely successor to Premier Wen Jiabao
Born into a humble family in which his father was a low-ranking local official, Li began his career as a farmer and then rose through the ranks of the Chinese Communist Youth League. Li went on to attend the prestigious Beijing University and earn an undergraduate degree in law and a Ph.D. in economics. The 53-year-old is known for his enthusiasm for a “harmonious society”; he frequently stresses the importance of helping the unemployed, providing affordable housing, and improving access to healthcare.
WANG YANG
Guangdong Party Secretary
Party secretary of China’s richest province, Wang grew up in Anhui Province, serving in the local provincial leadership in the early 1980s. Some China watchers attribute his rapid rise through the ranks to Hu Jintao’s mentorship. Last year, the 53-year-old Wang used the phrase “thought emancipation” four times in his inauguration speech, signaling an intention to make political development, not economic growth, Guangdong’s principal objective.
LI YUANCHAO
Director of Party Organization
Li Yuanchao hails from a high-ranking family, and his father served as the vice mayor of Shanghai in the early 1960s. A graduate of Beijing University, Li studied briefly in the United States as a visiting scholar at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government. Now head of the powerful Department of Organization, responsible for staffing positions within the party, the 58-year-old Li has been known to call for bolder democratic reforms, such as allowing the public to evaluate local officials.
The Elitists
Having cut their teeth on finance early in their careers, the core group of the elitists is called the “princelings” because its members come from some of China’s most politically powerful families. They are tasked with representing the interests of entrepreneurs and the coastal business communities.
XI JINPING
Vice President and heir apparent to President Hu Jintao
The son of a powerful former Politburo member, Xi was a farmer and party secretary in a Shaanxi Province village for six years during the Cultural Revolution. His family’s station allowed him to later serve as a mishu, or personal secretary, to the then minister of defense. The 55-year-old Xi’s résumé is filled with leadership posts in prosperous coastal cities and provinces, and he is known to favor pro-market reforms and the private sector.
WANG QISHAN
Vice Premier
A former banking chief, Wang took over as mayor of Beijing during the 2003 SARS epidemic. He is credited with reassuring a jittery public that the government was in control, while acknowledging the severity of the crisis for the first time. The 60-year-old Wang, who labored during the Cultural Revolution in rural Shaanxi Province, is also the son-in-law of a conservative party elder and the protégé of former Premier Zhu Rongji.
原文如下：
We are getting less foreign news at the very moment we need more
A world in crisis demands nations understand each other. At least the BBC is hoisting the banner of Deng Xiaoping thought
处在危机中的世界需要国与国之间的相互了解。客观、真实、全面的媒体报道对此至关重要。在这一点上，应遵循邓小平所推崇的“实事求是”。
Comments (83)
Timothy Garton Ash
The Guardian, Thursday 16 April 2009
One complaint I heard during a recent stay in China is that western media give a distorted picture of what's happening there. I think there's some truth in this, but it's not for the reasons that Chinese Communist party members or nationalist netizens imagine. In fact, this is just one instance of a larger international problem.
Most western newspaper readers and television viewers with a mild interest in China probably do see a lot of stories about Tibet, the upcoming anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen protests, corruption and popular discontent. They see fewer stories about the extent of popular support for the system, bright students still joining the Communist party, or experiments in economic and political reform, especially at the provincial and local level.
However, this slant is not because of "anti-China" policy or prejudice, as Chinese officials charge. Hard though many Chinese may find this to believe, since their own media reflect the policy of their party-state, western governments have almost nothing to do with it. The main cause lies in the economics and professional dynamics of the west's commercial news business, which is going through one of those "gales of creative destruction" that Joseph Schumpeter saw to be characteristic of capitalism.
最近我在中国访问期间常常听到这样的抱怨：西方媒体的报道歪曲中国的实际情况。我想这说得有一定道理。但究其原因，却不是中国共产党的成员或民族主义的网民们所认为的那样。事实上，这只是一个更广泛的国际性问题的特例。
对中国有一定兴趣的报纸读者和电视观众，确实会看到大量关于西藏的报道，关于即将到来的天安门事件20周年的报道，以及关于腐败和民众不满的报道。他们却很少看到中国目前的体系受到的支持是多么广泛，优秀的学生仍旧积极入党，以及经济和政治改革（特别是在省和地方层面）的相关报道。
然而，这种不平衡并不是因为中国政府所认为的那种“反中国”的政策或偏见。这也许很难令大多数中国人民所相信，因为他们自己的媒体反应了他们身处的“党治国家”的政策，但西方政府与这种失衡现象基本上没什么瓜葛。其主要原因来自于西方商业新闻行业的经济机理和职业现状。这一行业正在经历一场所谓的“创造性毁灭的风暴”，这场风暴也被奥地利经济学家约瑟夫•熊彼特认为是描述了资本主义的特性。
As they compete fiercely for readers and viewers, mainstream western media tend to stick with a few stories that are familiar and interesting to them. They report so much about Tibet not because they are ideological China-bashers but because their consumers are fascinated by and care about Tibet. Yes, their news stories on China's domestic politics tend to the sensational and the negative - so do their stories about the domestic politics of their own countries. Those who edit and select these stories are just following the market-oriented rules of their trade. If it bleeds, it leads. Knocking copy is selling copy. Good news is no news. "Many Chinese city dwellers moderately content with rising standard of living" is not a headline that would sell many papers.
The larger problem with regular China coverage in the mainstream western media is not its negativity; it's simply that there's too little of it, given the growing importance of China and the fact that Chinese culture and society is so different from the west's. Western media should not be writing less about the Dalai Lama or the 4 June 1989 anniversary, but they should be writing more about the other stories that make up China's complex unfolding drama.
Alas, the trend is in the opposite direction: towards less foreign news in the newspapers and on the domestic television channels that most people read and watch. The reason for this, too, is mainly economic. Gathering foreign news is expensive. As advertising revenues fall, costly foreign bureaus close. That's bad news for news - but also for international relations.
在对读者和收视率的激烈争夺中，西方主流媒体往往紧盯一些读者和观众感兴趣的报道。他们对西藏的大量报道，并不因为这是在意识形态上对中国的责罚，而是因为他们的客户感兴趣，在乎这一问题。确实，他们关于中国国内政治的新闻报道很多是负面的，具有煽动性的。但他们对本国政治的报道也是如此。那些编辑和选材的人，只是跟随其行业的市场导向而已。如同新闻业常说的几句话：出血才能出彩(If it bleeds, it leads)； 放倒才能卖好(Knocking copy is selling copy)； 好新闻就是没新闻(Good news is no news.)。“众多中国城市居民对生活水平的提高比较满意”在大多数报纸看来，不是能卖钱的头条。
基于中国日渐提升的重要性，以及中国的文化和社会与西方之巨大差异，西方主流媒体对中国报道的最大问题不是过多负面新闻，而是报道得太少了。不是让西方媒体少写些达赖喇嘛或××事件，而是，他们应该多写些构成了中国繁复剧变的其他故事。
然而，现在的趋势却相反：大多数人所关注的报纸和国内电视频道中，国际新闻越来越少。随着广告收入下跌，昂贵的国外记者站被关闭。这是新闻业的坏消息。而这恰恰也是国际关系的坏消息。
In a fine essay in the New Republic, the Princeton scholar Paul Starr argues that news is a public good. Getting the news helps people to hold their government to account. Like clean air and good roads, news is a benefit not just to those who directly pay for it. I extend his argument to foreign policy. In today's interconnected world, it matters more than ever that countries understand each other. Such understanding depends on knowing the social facts and individual human stories that are the meat and drink of foreign corresponding. If we have less of this global public good at a time when we need more of it, the results will not merely be depressing. They could be downright dangerous.
So, as Comrade Lenin taught us to ask, what is to be done? A prize example of the wrong answer is given by China's ambassador to the EU, Song Zhe. In a speech recently excerpted in China Daily, Song says European and Chinese correspondents "should be more aware of their responsibility for promoting China-EU relations". They should "make their news reporting and commentary conducive to consensus, trust and co-operation" and "respect the other's theory of development, policy choice and cultural values". No. That may be the business of ambassadors. It is not the business of journalists - and especially not of reporters. Their job is to report accurately, fairly and vividly what they see, hear, smell and read. To tell it as it is. And thus, to recall a Chinese maxim favoured by Deng Xiaoping, to "seek truth through facts".
The former head of China's State Council Information Office, Zhao Qizheng, writes in a book called One World, which I just read on the flight back from Beijing: "When I talk to foreign journalists, I ask them to be as factually accurate as possible in covering China. For example, there are a lot of cars on the roads in China yet many people ignore the traffic regulations and cross the road wherever and whenever they want to. These are facts, and should be reported. But you can't go and say China doesn't have any cars. That would just be wrong. As long as you report the facts, it's OK."
Having agreed on the Zhao rather than the Song school of journalism, all that remains is to do it. But actually, if you are interested and know where to look, it is already being done. A couple of hours on the web, armed with a few tip-offs, will lead you to an Aladdin's cave of rich, diverse, detailed reporting and analysis of China. (Try chinadigitaltimes.net and danwei.org as a first "open sesame".) Much of this is not fact checked or balanced in the professional way of the New York Times, but it is subject to another kind of scrutiny, with bloggers mercilessly pointing out what they see as errors, distortions and omissions.
在《新共和周刊》（New Republic）的一篇好文中，普林斯顿学者保罗·斯塔尔（Paul Starr）认为新闻是公共财富（public good）。人民获知新闻，可以让政府承担责任。如同清洁的空气和平整的公路一样，新闻让大众受益，而不只是那些直接买单的人。我要把他的看法延伸到对外政策中去。在今天紧密关联的世界中，国与国之间的相互理解前所未有的重要。而这种理解，来自于对其他国家实际的社会状况以及个体生活点滴的报道。这些正是驻外新闻工作者所长。然而，当我们更需要这种全球化的公共财富时，国际新闻却在衰退，这不仅令人沮丧，其后果很可能相当危险。
好，如列宁同志所说，“怎么办”？一个典型的反例，是最近中国驻欧盟大使宋哲的观点。最近《中国日报（China Daily）》引用的宋哲讲话这样说到（译者：中文全文链接）：中国与欧洲记者“应当意识到推动中欧关系的责任”；他们应当“使自己的新闻报道有利于中欧增进共识、增强互信、加强合作”；“尊重对方的发展理念、政策选择和文化价值观”。非也。这也许是外交官的责任，但与新闻工作者，特别是记者无关。新闻工作者的职责就是准确、真实、生动地报道他们看到、听到、嗅到、读到的，忠实与此，仅此而已。或者让我们引用邓小平最喜爱的一句名言－－实事求是。
在从北京回程的飞机上，我读了前国务院新闻办主任赵启正的新书，《同一个世界》。书中这样写道“当我和国外记者谈话时，我要求他们对中国的报道，要尽可能属实。比如，中国街上有很多车，然而还是有很多人无视交通规则乱穿马路。这是事实，应该报道。但你不能说，中国没有汽车。那就不对了。只要你报道事实，就OK。”
我赞同赵启正，而不是宋哲对新闻业的观点。现在剩下的就是如何付诸行动了。实际上，如果你感兴趣，而且知道何处寻觅，这些信息已经在那儿了。在网上花个把小时，加上一些别人提供的线索，就如同发现阿拉丁的宝藏一样，你会找到丰富多彩有关中国的报道和分析。（作为芝麻开门的钥匙，试试chinadigitaltimes.net 和 danwei.org）这些内容大多没有象《纽约时报》那样经过专业的核实与平衡，但他们受到另一种审视－－博客作者们会毫不留情地指出其中的错误、歪曲和遗漏。
Meanwhile, leading western journals such as the Economist, the New Yorker and the Atlantic Monthly carry long, original and thoroughly fact-checked pieces from China. While in Beijing, I saw a fascinating report on BBC World News television about the farmers in a particular village who had given up their rural homes for urban development, having been promised a new school in which their children could be educated for a better life. The promise had not yet been kept. Anti-China bias? Not at all. As it seeks truth through facts, the BBC is holding high the banner of Deng Xiaoping thought.
So where's the catch? In my lament at the top of this column, I was careful to refer to what most western readers and viewers see most of the time. Starr, in his essay, makes a useful distinction between availability and exposure. The material is available. China news junkies can have a great daily trip. What is under threat is the broad, serendipitious daily exposure to news of the world that comes from turning the pages of a newspaper over your morning tea (so long as that newspaper is not the News of the World).
It's no use mewling over bygone glories of a probably mythical golden age of foreign corresponding. The point now is to work out how to exploit the tremendous potential of new media so as to expose more of the people, more of the time, to reliable and interesting foreign news. More than just the future of journalism will depend on it.
而与此同时，顶级西方媒体，如《经济学人》、《纽约客》、《大西洋月刊》也在刊登来自中国的长篇、原创、全面核实过的报道。在北京期间，我看了BBC世界新闻制作的一个非常棒的电视片，有关中国某个小村中的农民，放弃的他们乡村家园，投身城市化发展。这些农民被许诺他们的孩子会在一所新学校上学，受教育，有更好的未来。但这个许诺还没有被实现。是反中国的偏见么？完全不是。在实事求是这一点上，BBC是高举邓小平思想的旗帜的。
那么还有其他问题么？在本文开篇，我已经颇为惋惜地指出了大多数西方读者和观众大部分时间所观看的内容。斯塔尔在他的文章中还特意谈到了“存在”（availability）和“曝光”（exposure）的不同。那些关于中国的内容是存在的，关注中国新闻的老练的读者可以每日馨享。但问题是那些每日在早茶时翻翻报纸（希望不是《世界新闻 News Of the World》 译者：英国的一个八卦小报），偶尔在国际新闻中曝一下光的大众。
为逝去的国际新闻的黄金时代扼腕叹息是毫无益处的。现在要解决的问题是如何充分利用新媒体的巨大潜力，让更多人，更多时间地在可靠、有趣的国际新闻中曝光。这不仅仅关乎于新闻业的未来。
最新一期美国外交专业杂志《外国政策》刊登了将左右未来中国的6位筒子～摘下留作资料～
分为共青团体系出身的民间派领导人李克强、汪洋、李源潮和被称之为“太子党”的精英派领袖人物习近平、王岐山、薄熙来
Photo Essay: China's Next Generation
March/April 2009
A look at the six men who are vying to shape China's future.
The Populists
Protégés and confidants of President Hu Jintao, populists are primarily concerned with addressing social problems and political tensions. They are also well versed in organizational skills and propaganda. The leaders are known as tuanpai, for the Communist Youth League through which most of them rose in the ranks.
LI KEQIANG
Executive Vice Premier and likely successor to Premier Wen Jiabao
Born into a humble family in which his father was a low-ranking local official, Li began his career as a farmer and then rose through the ranks of the Chinese Communist Youth League. Li went on to attend the prestigious Beijing University and earn an undergraduate degree in law and a Ph.D. in economics. The 53-year-old is known for his enthusiasm for a “harmonious society”; he frequently stresses the importance of helping the unemployed, providing affordable housing, and improving access to healthcare.
WANG YANG
Guangdong Party Secretary
Party secretary of China’s richest province, Wang grew up in Anhui Province, serving in the local provincial leadership in the early 1980s. Some China watchers attribute his rapid rise through the ranks to Hu Jintao’s mentorship. Last year, the 53-year-old Wang used the phrase “thought emancipation” four times in his inauguration speech, signaling an intention to make political development, not economic growth, Guangdong’s principal objective.
LI YUANCHAO
Director of Party Organization
Li Yuanchao hails from a high-ranking family, and his father served as the vice mayor of Shanghai in the early 1960s. A graduate of Beijing University, Li studied briefly in the United States as a visiting scholar at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government. Now head of the powerful Department of Organization, responsible for staffing positions within the party, the 58-year-old Li has been known to call for bolder democratic reforms, such as allowing the public to evaluate local officials.
The Elitists
Having cut their teeth on finance early in their careers, the core group of the elitists is called the “princelings” because its members come from some of China’s most politically powerful families. They are tasked with representing the interests of entrepreneurs and the coastal business communities.
XI JINPING
Vice President and heir apparent to President Hu Jintao
The son of a powerful former Politburo member, Xi was a farmer and party secretary in a Shaanxi Province village for six years during the Cultural Revolution. His family’s station allowed him to later serve as a mishu, or personal secretary, to the then minister of defense. The 55-year-old Xi’s résumé is filled with leadership posts in prosperous coastal cities and provinces, and he is known to favor pro-market reforms and the private sector.
WANG QISHAN
Vice Premier
A former banking chief, Wang took over as mayor of Beijing during the 2003 SARS epidemic. He is credited with reassuring a jittery public that the government was in control, while acknowledging the severity of the crisis for the first time. The 60-year-old Wang, who labored during the Cultural Revolution in rural Shaanxi Province, is also the son-in-law of a conservative party elder and the protégé of former Premier Zhu Rongji.
BO XILAI
Chongqing Party Secretary
Bo is secretary of the most politically important of the inland municipalities. The son of one of China’s “Eight Immortals,” elderly members of the Communist Party who held great power in the 1980s and 1990s, the 59-year-old Bo is media savvy and often politically controversial. As the former head of the Ministry of Commerce, Bo raised his profile by attracting record foreign investment.
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=4711
美国最有前途的社会型创业者：
全文介绍了28个社会企业家和他们的所为。他们的工作遍布生活的各个领域，以新奇而实用的方法解决了人们生活中切实的困难和问题。和完全以营利为目标的企业不同，社会企业家在追求利润的同时也注重企业如何能给社会创造价值，解决人类共同面对的困难。
http://images.businessweek.com/ss/09/04/0403_social_entrepreneurs/index.htm
我一直都认为王岐山的那张照片超强，谁也比不了
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